Adventures of a Gringa

Occupying Rocinha

Early this morning, 3,000 police and soldiers arrived in Rocinha, the biggest slum in Rio, all of Brazil, and even Latin America, to begin the process of pacification. They arrived heavily armed, some in armored tanks. By the afternoon, troops hoisted the state and national flags, declaring the favela under state control. The massive operation met no resistance, and not a single shot was fired.

As some predicted, the occupation was peaceful. Rocinha, after all, does suffer from violence, but less in comparison to other favelas, notably Complexo do Alemão, which is known as Rio's "Gaza Strip." Rocinha is also a place constantly frequented by outsiders: Cariocas from around the city for funk parties, foreigners and Cariocas working for local NGOs, and tourists. Since the initial occupation was mostly uneventful, it left many wondering why such a massive operation with such intensive media coverage was necessary.

The name of the operation itself seemed an oxymoron: Operação Choque de Paz, or Operation Shock of Peace. It was hardly a shock, given that the occupation was announced well in advance and everyone knew it was coming, and wasn't so much of a military "shock" given the lack of violence. While the capture of Rocinha's top drug trafficker helped avoid a clash during the occupation, other traffickers had time to flee. Since several police officers and traffickers were arrested "escorting" some of the traffickers during Nem's failed escape, it's likely other drug traffickers had ample time to leave Rocinha before the occupation. (In the past, though, some of the traffickers simply moved out of newly pacified favelas into other favelas.) Conspiracy theorists even speculated if the state government made a deal with traffickers to leave before the operation.

A PR success for the Rio government

Security forces encountered no resistance from traffickers, except for trash left blocking some streets and oil poured on the roads in Rocinha and Vidigal (a nearby favela that was also occupied) intended to make the streets slippery. By announcing the massive operation ahead of time and raising the possibility of clashes between traffickers and police, the state government guaranteed its success with the eventual absence of violence by exceeding expectations. Also, by demonstrating a show of force, the state government also gave Rio's middle and upper classes, as well as the foreign community de olho before the World Cup and Olympics, a sign that it's serious about combatting crime and imposing order.

Those responsible for the operation made sure to not only overprepare, but also to publicize preparations. In doing so, the occupation woud already be more successful than the bloody Alemão occupation. The government set up a temporary hospital right outside the favela (based on the MINUSTAH model from Haiti), with other hospitals and ambulances on standby, and shut down traffic near the favela. They also published the transportation and medical parts of the plan on a map prior to the operation.

Government planners also made sure to publicize the "show of force." BOPE, Rio's special ops team, published a photo on Twitter of Security Secretary José Mariano Beltrame speaking to troops before the operation, in what seemed like a scene from Tropa de Elite. BOPE also posted photos on Twitter from the operation itself. The operation brought armored tanks, trucks, and helicopters to the favela. The tanks arrived by coming through Leblon, one of Rio's wealthiest neighborhoods (photos here and video here), creating quite a spectacle. It's as if army tanks rolled down Park Avenue on the Upper East Side on the way to the South Bronx. It was surreal.

During the operation, police found drugs, weapons, and ammunition left by traffickers, as well as the abandoned luxury homes of head traffickers Nem and Peixe (see photos here, and more here). Police arrested at least four people, including a trafficker who'd escaped from prison and one of Nem's accountants.

A media circus?

Some speculated that the operation was created to feed a media circus. Indeed, there was tons of international coverage, as well as live blogging from Globo (here and here) with live news, videos, and photos. Many reporters had on bulletproof vests. Live TV coverage from Al Jazeera showed its Brazil correspondent in full protective gear, with a helmet and bulletproof vest. Globo also did extensive live TV coverage as the operation was underway, though it was in the early hours of the morning.

But the media's presence was better than no media coverage at all, even if it went a bit overboard. The fact that so many journalists and cameras were present for the occupation may have prevented abuses that took place during previous occupations, or even violence. In the end, there was a great deal of transparency.

Also, it wasn't just the media covering the operation. Local activists, NGOs, and residents were reporting on the events on Twitter, and continued vigilance from these groups will hopefully ensure against abuses from the police and military (or at least expose those abuses).

What now for the community?

Now that Rocinha has been "pacified," the government will officially install UPP units in Rocinha in the coming months. But until then, residents are still waiting for Rocinha to be integrated into the rest of the city. The first service being offered even prior to the occupation was cheap cable TV, but formal electric lines, water, sanitation, and internet remain to be seen. Also, improved roads, sidewalks, and transportation will be a continuing challenge. In addition, residents also hope for better public services, including schools, hospitals, and sanitation.

Al Jazeera released an interesting report today on the UPP program worth watching that sums up both the good and the bad of the program, and what to expect as more UPPs are created.

 

Also see - Security in Rio: Stranger than Fiction 

Security in Rio: Stranger Than Fiction

Elite Squad 2 will be released in the U.S. on November 11th, and those unfamiliar with the plot may think it's just a creative screenplay. But in reality, much of the story is based on fact, because in Rio, truth is often stranger than fiction.

There's been quite a few big news stories on Rio security in the past two weeks, but not everything is exactly as it seems.

Local politician "in exile:" Marcelo Freixo flees Rio

Last week, popular Rio Congressman Marcelo Freixo announced that he was fleeing Brazil after death threats from Rio militias escalated. He found little support for increased security from the Rio authorities, who he claims have failed to investigate the threats against him. Some were even calling his abrupt departure as "exile." Freixo inspired the character Diogo Fraga in Elite Squad 2, since in real life, he has been going after Rio's militias and politicians with militia ties since 2006. He's made many enemies, including a former policeman/militia member who escaped from prison and was allegedly offered R$400,000 to murder Freixo.

But here's the catch. Freixo and his family left the country and went to Europe with the support of Amnesty International, and Freixo will be giving several speeches in conjunction with Amnesty while he's gone. He also announced that he would only be gone for several weeks before returning to Rio.

So in reality, he wasn't really going into exile, but taking a leave of absence. On the one hand, making the big deal out of it that he did helped put more pressure on the Rio government to investigate the threats against him and provide more security, especially considering that a Rio judge was brazenly murdered less than three months ago by the same groups that are after Freixo. Considering his life is in danger, he helped frame his departure in a more dramatic fashion in a sort of last ditch attempt for more protection.

On the other hand, it was a bit of a PR ploy to make the mayor and governor look bad, which is convenient considering that Freixo will likely run for mayor next year. It also was something of a slap in the face to José Mariano Beltrame, Security Secretary for Rio state. Granted, Beltrame has one of the most difficult jobs in the city, if not Brazil, but Freixo's so-called "exile" did not do him any favors.

In the end, Freixo is an honest guy working to make the city safer, so hopefully his brief European break will in fact end up helping him get better protection when he gets back, as well as inspiring renewed vigor amongst Cariocas to combat the militias.

Sambando for security: Mangueira pacification unit established

Last week, the Mangueira favela was the latest to receive an UPP, a pacification force of police intended to impose order and drive out drug traffickers. The community of 20,000 is a key component of the government's pacification plan, since it's located near Maracanã Stadium and has a samba school popular with tourists and Cariocas alike. The pacification unit was inaugurated amongst much fanfare, including music performances with samba dancers and a speech by the governor, but few residents attended. Along with supposed greater safety, the Mangueira UPP plan also includes discounted cable TV for all residents and trash collection by city services, which it didn't have before. The day after the UPP was installed, Mayor Eduardo Paes spoke with residents, and he said:

"The idea is to 'New York-ize' Mangueira. Except Mangueira is much better than New York. Here, for example, you have the samba school. Trash collection will be done twice a day, Monday to Saturday, with new machines. That's more frequently than in Leblon [a wealthy neighborhood], where it's done only once a day, three times a week."

While some residents are hoping for improvements, many are still waiting on a number of requests, including better schools, improved water services, better sewage management, more jobs, and more tourism. Whether the UPP will be able to eliminate the drug trade is unclear, since other UPPs have been unsuccessful in that regard. Since violence in this favela is seemingly more "visible" to foreigners (and to Cariocas from other parts of the city), more so than somewhere like Maré, which is also slated for pacification, it will be interesting to see if further improvements are made, or if much of this particular UPP is só para inglês ver.

Cameraman killed during police operation

Gelson Domingos, a cameraman from Band TV, was killed while filming a police operation in the Antares favela in Rio on Sunday. He was wearing a bulletproof vest, but was hit with a bullet from an assault rifle that went through the protective layer. As Julia Michaels points out on RioReal, the Zona Oeste has only one pacified favela, but even so, the UPP strategy and its short term success may have created an "exaggerated sense of safety," so that the cameraman's murder was more of a shock. The West Zone has seen more violence recently as traffickers and militia vie for control: an elementary school in Bangu was invaded by traffickers fleeing police last week, and as Michaels also pointed out, murders are on the rise in nearby Vila Kennedy.

The case served as a somber reminder of the city's ongoing struggle to combat violent crime, after a period of time with no high-profile deaths (the last was Judge Acioli several months ago). It was also sobering for veteran journalists, since Domingos was remembered as an experienced cameraman who frequently covered dangerous stories.

Tweaking the numbers: murder statistics under debate

Recent statistics from the Rio government showed falling murder rates, but an economist from the Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada (Ipea) looked at the numbers and claims they don't add up. He found that deaths without a determined cause of death--even violent ones that were clearly murders--weren't being counted as homicides. By his estimates, there were nearly 63 percent more murders in 2009 than the official statistics show. Other experts expressed support for Ipea's observations, and the Secretaries of Health and Security agreed to change how they collect data.

Top drug trafficker arrested as police prepare Rocinha for pacification

The Rio state government is preparing for one of its largest military operations in history: it plans to install a pacification unit in Rocinha, the largest favela in Rio and in the entire country. Rocinha is a city within a city: with nearly 70,000 inhabitants, it has more people than 92 percent of Brazilian cities. The occupation will be difficult, and authorities are hoping to use a different strategy to avoid a repeat of pacifying Complexo do Alemão, when over 30 people were killed. But successfully pacifying Rocinha will not only be a major success for public security in Rio and the UPP program, but is also a goal of the state government before the Rio +20 next year, the Confederations Cup and the pope's visit the following year, and then the World Cup and Olympics.

In preparation for the military invasion this weekend, last night police finally caught the most powerful drug trafficker in Rocinha, who was hidden in the trunk of a car bound for São Paulo. One of the men in the car claimed to be a Congolese consular officer, and alleged he had diplomatic immunity (police later found no evidence that he was actually from the Congo). Nem offered police a R$1 million bribe, which they refused. (For perspective, Nem typically makes US$5 million a month.)

Nem is a peculiar guy, practically a character out of a bad action flick. He paid taxes in 2009, even though he was being hunted by police. In 2010, he faked his own death and funeral to try to trick the police. Last year, he invaded the Intercontinental Hotel in São Conrado with other traffickers and held hostages for several hours before escaping. According to The New York Times, he used to wear expensive suits and take his wife on a rented helicopter to tour the city. Before it was discovered by police, Nem's home was essentially a luxury condo hidden in the favela. He had plastic surgery to avoid being recognized. After his arrest, he called his mother and told her to make sure his children didn't miss school. In an interview published on November 11th, he claimed he doesn't do drugs, said that former President Lula is his idol, and professed his admiration for security chief Beltrame.

So why, after all this time, were cops able to nab the elusive Nem? Above all, he had paid police protection that allowed him to allude authorities for years. But last night, there was a breakthrough. First, the Federal Police (the equivalent of the FBI), arrested ten police officers and drug traffickers that were "escorting" Nem and other traffickers as they quietly fled the favela. The group was paid R$2 million to help the traffickers escape. Second, police were closely monitoring cars leaving the favela, and members of the "shock battalion" of the military police were the ones who spotted the suspicious vehicle and pulled it over in nearby Gávea. Third, the police refused Nem's bribe.

Nem has been cooperating with the authorities, and has provided them with information that could potentially root out even more corrupt cops. He told investigators he was making R$100 million (US$57.3 million) a year, but that 50 percent of his income was used to pay off civil and military police. While the initial preparations for pacification were a success, many are holding their breath for the actual "invasion" this weekend. According to a local crime reporter, because of the recent murder of the TV cameraman, security officials will likely not allow much press coverage, making it "one of the least transparent UPP operations" so far. The city is shutting down airspace over Rocinha on Sunday, and forces will likely include the army, military police, and BOPE. Time will tell if Beltrame and his team have determined the least violent way to send in the pacification force.

Hopefully, the occupation won't be movie-worthy material.

Drug Liberalization in Brazil

In a country where major cities are plagued by organized crime and drug trafficking, it's no surprise that a liberalization movement has grown and has gained a steady foothold among urban youth and intellectuals. Just in the past year, two documentaries were released about drug policy, including Quebrando O Tabú, featuring former president Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Bill Clinton, Jimmy Carter, and Paulo Coelho, and Cortina de Fumaça, which also includes FHC, Fernando Gabeira, and dozens of experts in Brazil and abroad.

More videos from Quebrando O Tabú

Cortina de Fumaça is currently showing at the Petrobras Brazil Film Festival in New York, which I was lucky enough to see early this week. If you can't make it to the next screening, you can watch here:

But here's the catch: in Brazil, it's illegal to publicly protest drug policy, since it's illegal to "apologize for" or defend crime and illegal substances. In the past, drug liberalization marches, known as Marchas da Maconha (Marijuana Marches) were broken up by police, and protesters arrested.

Most recently, there was a march in São Paulo in May, which was violently repressed by police after the event was forbidden by local courts. In fact, the same month, Marijuana Marches were prohibited by the courts in nine cities. To protest the repression of the São Paulo march, a week later, thousands of people (somewhere between 2,000 and 5,000) took to the streets of Brazil's largest city in what they called the Marcha da Liberdade, or the Freedom March.

 

The Freedom March inspired planning for new marches throughout Brazil, but there was some question as to how they would take place given past events. Some events, like the Rio de Janeiro march, were calling it the Marcha da Liberdade instead of the Marcha da Maconha, both to protest censorship and to attempt to ensure the event could take place. But today, the Supreme Court ruled in a unanimous decision that protesters will be able to hold Marijuana Marches, declaring that the protests were not defending drug trafficking. The justices defended the protesters' freedom of speech, explaining that it was their constitutional right to express their views.

Now, this weekend, marches are planned all over Brazil, including massive events in São Paulo and Rio, as well as events in more than 30 other cities.

 

This will be a very interesting movement to watch, because though it seems unlikely that major legislation will come anytime soon, it's an issue that is gaining momentum and has the support of some powerful and influential people, from TV stars to the ex-president. It's possible that this issue will become a more salient, national debate in the near future.

Falcão: Meninos do Tráfico

Falcão - Meninos do Tráfico was one of the first books I read in Portuguese, back when it was hard for me to understand the vocabulary, let alone all the slang. The book is based on a documentary made in 2006 by Brazilian rapper MV Bill about children and youth in drug trafficking in Brazil. I'd never actually seen the movie, so I was excited to find it in its entirety on YouTube. It's grim and a bit disjointed, but still very eye-opening for those unfamiliar with drug trafficking and police corruption in Brazil, and a jarring reminder to those who are. It also shows that the drug trade in Brazil extends far beyond Rio's favelas to many major cities in Brazil (though the book provides more detail about the locations). Unfortunately, the videos aren't available in English, although a lot of the dialogue has Portuguese subtitles with occasional explanations of certain slang words.

Falcão: Meninos do Tráfico

Part I

Part II

Part III

Part IV

Part V

Part VI

Busted in Copacabana

One of my fellow Latin America-philes was kind enough to write a guest post about a huge Colombian drug kingpin bust in Rio. Brazil has become a major transshipment point for cocaine in the Americas, and big time dealers seem to have even lived in Brazil without much of a hassle--until recently. Joint task forces and Federal Police operations have managed to bring not one but two Colombian drug kingpins down in Brazil, the most recent one in one of Rio's most famous playgrounds.

Narco Arrested in Copacabana

One of Colombia’s most wanted drug barons was arrested while leaving his apartment on the afternoon of April 16.

The apartment wasn't a luxurious residence hidden in the hills outside Medellin or Cali. Nor was it a multimillion-dollar apartment in downtown Bogotá.

It was the intersection of Rua Hilário de Gouveia and Avenida Atlantida on Copacabana beach. A joint task force consisting of three different Brazilian anti-crime organizations and collaboration from the United States’ Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) arrested Nestor Ramon Caro Chapparo, aka “Felipe”, in one Rio's most famous neighborhoods. The US Department of State was offering up to US $5 million for Caro Chapparo’s arrest. 

It’s the second high-profile bust of a Colombian drug trafficker in one week that occurred outside of Colombia. Ramon Quintero, a suspected leader of the Norte del Valle Cartel, was arrested in a bakery in an upscale neighborhood in northern Quito, Ecuador, on April 13. Like Caro Chapparo, the US State Department was willing to pay up to US $5 million for information leading to Quintero's arrest.

However, unlike Quintero, who was a leader of one of Colombia’s most powerful cartels, authorities believe that Caro Chapparo was largely an independent trafficker, who likely used his connections with the former members of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) to facilitate the transportation of thousands of kilograms of cocaine to the United States, as well as West Africa and Europe via various points along the Brazilian coast.

The timing of Caro Capparo’s arrest occurs within the same week that a Defense Cooperation Agreement between Brasilia and Washington in “defense related matters” and “cooperation in any other military fields that may be of mutual interest to the Parties”.

Although the deal doesn’t specifically call out monitoring drug trafficking, it is likely implied. The US State Department recognizes Brazil, particularly Sao Paulo, as a cocaine export corridor for US and European bound cocaine. 

The arrest of Caro Chapparo highlights Brazil’s relevance as a port of exit for drugs bound for the US and Europe. Caro Chapparo was not the first to fall. In August 2007, Brazilian authorities arrested Juan Carlos Ramirez Abadia, another Norte del Valle leader, in Aldeia da Serra in Greater Sao Paulo. Though the local market, which Veja says is dominated by Bolivian cocaine, exists in Brazil, the presence of internationally wanted suspects such as Caro Chapparo shows that it is Brazil's geographic location, not population, that attracts international drug traffickers.

At the local level, a lethal confrontation between Police and gang members in an attempted bust of a leading trafficker in Vila Alianza on April 20 that left five dead offers a chilling reminder that men like Capo Chapparo are the exception, not the rule, in drug-related arrests and attempted arrests in Brazil.

Eliot Brockner is a Rio Gringa reader. He writes at LatAmThought.

is nothing (nobody) sacred (safe)?

Apparently not.

Is Brazil turning into Colombia of the 90s?

My opinion, unfortunately, is yes. Due to the levels of urban violence, the internationalization of Brazilian drug trafficking, and the homicide rates, Brazil is beginning to look a lot like Colombia, which in the 90s had one of the highest murder rates in the world.

[For example, just this week, an Italian tourist/drug mule was caught leaving the airport in Rio with cocaine capsules in his stomach (after he fell very ill), and three journalists were captured by a militia group, made up of former and even current policemen who sell protection in favelas, in the Zona Oeste of Rio. The journalists were accused of being (honest?) police and were tortured for nearly eight hours before being released on the condition that they keep their mouths shut.]

In recent years, Colombian politicians, in particular in the major cities, have had great success in lowering crime and homicide rates and in pacifying the situation.

In Medellin, the mayor has invested a lot of money in public transportation, connecting the slums to the rest of the city, as well as in public works like libraries and museums. Medellin is no longer the constant bloodbath it once was.

The former Security Minister of the capital city of Bogota, Hugo Acero, explained his success in reducing the homicide rate by 70%. Here is his advice for Brazil:

• invest in social development projects
• invest in the police, by upgrading vehicles, communication systems, and training
• put police permanently in slums that previously had no government entity present
• urbanize and modernize the slums, by paving roads, installing street lights, and building schools and health clinics
• install an alcohol curfew at 1am, which can eventually be extended
• guarantee a minimum sentence for certain crimes, to ensure criminals are incarcerated for a longer period of time
• police invasions of slums and killing drug traffickers is inefficient since new and worse leaders will rise quickly; the police need to establish permanent posts in the favelas and establish a constant presence, to replace the rule of drug lords
• try not to make the mistake of separating social and repressive measures to combat crime
• avoid lack of coordination between the civil, military, and federal police
• in Colombia, for every 10 policemen accused of corruption, only 1 woman is accused of similar crimes. The solution? Integrate more women into the police force, since women are statistically less corrupt and more disciplined. (now, 15% of the Colombian police force is made up of women)

The question is, is anyone listening?